The women's rights movement of the 1970s had not yet emerged; except for Bella Abzug, I had no women supporters.

I got the chance to argue my first case in Supreme Court, a criminal case arising in Alabama that involved the right of a defendant to counsel at a critical stage in a capital case before a trial.

Lack of encouragement never deterred me. I was the kind of person who would not be put down.

Doing away with separate black colleges meets resistance from alumni and other blacks.

The last state to admit a black student to the college level was South Carolina.

By 1962, King had become, by the media's reckoning, the new civil rights leader.

I never thought I would live long enough to see the legal profession change to the extent it has.

I soon found law school an unmitigated bore.

All Southern state colleges and universities are open to black students.

We Americans entered a new phase in our history - the era of integration - in 1954.

There appears to be no limit as to how far the women's revolution will take us.

I remember being infuriated from the top of my head to the tip of my toes the first time a screen was put around Bob Carter and me on a train leaving Washington in the 1940s.

New Orleans may well have been the most liberal Deep South city in 1954 because of its large Creole population, the influence of the French, and its cosmopolitan atmosphere.

In high school, I won a prize for an essay on tuberculosis. When I got through writing the essay, I was sure I had the disease.

The legal difference between the sit-ins and the Freedom Riders was significant.

The fact is that racism, despite all the doomsayers, has diminished.

When Thurgood Marshall became a lawyer, race relations in the United States were particularly bad.

I was born and raised in the oldest settled part of the nation and in an environment in which racism was officially mooted.

King thought he understood the white Southerner, having been born and reared in Georgia and trained a theologian.

Had it not been for James Meredith, who was willing to risk his life, the University of Mississippi would still be all white.

Whites would rather not be involved in race matters, I think.

I grew up in a house where nobody had to tell me to go to school every day and do my homework.

The black population now consists of two distinct classes-the middle class and the poor.

In high school, I discovered myself. I was interested in race relations and the legal profession. I read about Lincoln and that he believed the law to be the most difficult of professions.

When I was 15, I decided I wanted to be a lawyer. No one thought this was a good idea.

Sexism, like racism, goes with us into the next century. I see class warfare as overshadowing both.

Living at the YMCA in Harlem dramatically broadened my view of the world.

Too many whites still see blacks as a group apart.

There is no longer a single common impediment to blacks emerging in this society.

How long must the American community afford special treatment to blacks?

Today's white majority is largely silent about the race question.

The women's rights movement of the 1970s had not yet emerged; except for Bella Abzug, I had no women supporters.

In my view, I did not get to the federal bench because I was a woman.

I rejected the notion that my race or sex would bar my success in life.

My father kept his distance from working-class American blacks.

Columbia Law School men were being drafted, and suddenly women who had done well in college were considered acceptable candidates for the vacant seats.

The Constitution, as originally drawn, made no reference to the fact that all Americans wre considered equal members of society.

Affirmitive action is extremely complex because it appears in many different forms.

King consciously steered away from legal claims and instead relied on civil disobedience.

We African Americans have now spent the major part of the 20th Century battling racism.

The middle class, in the white population, encompasses a wide swath.

My parents never told us that our great-grandmothers had been slaves.

We knew then what we know now; only exemplary blacks are acceptable.

The woman who thinks she is intelligent demands equal rights with men. A woman who is intelligent does not.

You look at the whole Human Rights questions, I happened to be there at just the right time when the country was awakening - this goes to the first question you asked - the whole country was awakening to a hundred years of injustice that hadn't been resolved yet.

I don't know of many evangelicals who want to deny gay couples their legal rights. However, most of us don't want to call it marriage, because we think that word has religious connotations, and we're not ready to see it used in ways that offend us.

A woman who thinks she is intelligent demands the same rights as man. An intelligent woman gives up.

Similarly, the problem of the rights of the state in the disposition of inheritances left by individuals presents social aspects of the first importance.

To me, a feminist belongs in the same category as a humanist or an advocate for human rights. I don't see why someone who's a feminist should be thought of differently.